That State’s legislature has just passed a Statute
of Limitations (SOLs) extension. See here for an article about it.
As with so much SO Mania legislation, it was slyly passed
by an untraceable voice-vote after the Rules were suspended. Thus no pol can be
skewered in the media by Victimist advocacies for voting against victims (or for sex-offenders, as it might be put)
while – in a neat balance – no pol can be personally held responsible for the
troubles and consequences the law might or probably-will create.
What sort of laws can these be that the legislators
so often don’t want to be individually associated with them? I think many
legislators have already figured out that these Mania laws are not really good
examples of competent and conscientious law-making – but they haven’t got the
chops to Just Say No.
And a lot of these pols have been to law school and
are card-carrying attorneys-at-law.
I recall that in his 1969 book The End of Liberalism the sociologist Theodore Lowi observed – with
an acuity that has only been proven even more powerful and devastating in the
ensuing decades – that ‘interest group liberalism’ (where the pols let the
‘interest-groups’ write the laws they want) is utterly antithetical to any
established and stable Rule of Law. Because it leads to what I would
call ‘deal politics’ and in such politics the
last thing the pols want – Lowi
observes – is a solid wall of laws and the Rule of Law, which will only
serve to obstruct the ‘flexibility’ they want and need to cut their deals with
this and that ‘interest-group’.
And, as I have said before on this site, the
interest-groups Lowi knew forty-plus years ago (business, labor, and ‘the
farmers’) have since been joined by the Identities erected especially by
Radical-Feminism and Victimism, which I call Level 4 Advocacies: seeking to
bypass any genuine democratic deliberation by the Citizens or by the pols, and
instead manipulating public opinion with false and selective information and
with horror-stories while also
seducing the pols into this and that ‘deal’ (i.e., you give us this law, and
we’ll tell our particular issue-group or Identity that you’re reliable on this
single-issue of ours).
So if you are wondering when the Rule of Law in this
country really started to get kicked to the curb, you have to go back beyond
‘Bush/Cheney’ to 1969 and then to 1990 when the cadres of ‘governance feminism’ and Victimism realized they
were heading for the Beltway bigtime with the coming of the Clintons.
And the whole thing was being lubricated
philosophically by Richard Rorty’s witless but very useful insistence that
there is no reality anyway, but instead just different ways of naming stuff;
which Democratic uber-thinker George Lakoff is now pushing as a full-blown
election and governance strategy: there is nothing but ‘framing’ and ‘spin’ and
the only task of politics (and
politicians) is to come up with the best ‘framing’ by which to ‘spin’ the
public (about what they have already made up their mind to pass into law anyway).*
In precisely the type of dangerous practice that
Lowi warned about in 1969, this law was written with the input (a lot of it, I
bet) of a tort-attorney who has made quite a bit of money representing
‘victims’ in lawsuits about allegations that happened in the long-ago. The fox
is allowed to develop the blueprints for the hen-house.
But the said fox pronounces himself very unhappy
because the law doesn’t go far enough (he had been pushing for an almost total-eradication
of any SOLs at all). But that doesn’t mean he won’t take what he’s been given
here – and neatly he is on record both ways, and can have his legal cake and
eat it too.
See here for the text of this Bill, H.4329.
So now (Sec. 2) anybody wishing to start a lawsuit
has 25 years from the date of the alleged incident or to the age of 43 (if the allegation involves child-sexual
abuse). Or within three years “after
the date upon which such cause of action accrued, whichever is later”.
This last bit is a sly doozy: to “accrue” in legal
usage means that date upon which the claimant knew or should have known that
s/he has somehow been injured or had a tort of any sort committed against
him/her; and tort-attorneys can go to town making the case as to how the
allegant couldn’t have known until … just recently. (Perhaps the enterprising
attorney might also toss in that the allegant didn’t develop the ‘heroic
courage’ to come forward until just recently.) So it’s entirely possible that
one way or another the SOLs have for all practical purposes been
almost-completely gutted.
But that’s not all. While ‘private’ institutions or
charities can be sued within this time-frame, yet if you want to file a claim against a public employer you only
have nine months (Sec. 1).
Two thoughts come to mind.
First, imagine that the legislature passed a law
giving allegants all those years to file a claim of abuse against a public
institution (a school, say) but only nine months against a private institution
or charity (the Church, say). What would you think about such a law? And can
you imagine the outcry by public-employee unions?
But this is precisely the dynamic in play here. For
a law that is supposed to be concerned for the ‘prevention of child sexual
abuse’, the entire realm of public-institutions are almost entirely exempted. While
private institutions or charities are rendered vulnerable to a window of
vulnerability almost completely bereft of SOLs.
Second, what sort of mentality or Stance is driving
legislators to make such an obviously selective law? I would say that clearly
the pols are not letting themselves be ‘obstructed’ by any concern for the
integrity of any genuine Rule of Law. Rather, they are making a deal-politics
type of law: they can keep the Victimists happy while not enraging the
demographically powerful public-employee unions. (Although since just recently
a 55-year old man just started a lawsuit against Harvard for abuse by a
swim-coach that allegedly occurred while the man was a student there decades
ago, it remains to be seen how the hefty elite University-demographic is going
to respond to all of this.)
But those aren’t the only holes in the wall in this
Bill.
In Sec. 5(c) any aspiring plaintiff can file a
certificate of merit to bring a case from the long-ago, that includes a
notarized declaration by a duly-licensed “mental health professional” who might
be “but is not limited to” such
practitioners as “psychologists, marriage and family therapists, mental health
counselors, or clinical social workers” to the effect that “there is a
reasonable basis to believe that the plaintiff was subject to one or more acts
of sexual abuse as defined … that would cause emotional or psychological injury
or condition”.
Two more thoughts occur.
Who else
besides “psychologists, marriage and family therapists, mental health
counselors, or clinical social workers” are licensed by that State? This opens
the door to pretty much the entire pandemonium of cottage-industry (and perhaps
well-intentioned) persons who, with whatever ‘credentials’ (or not), set
themselves up to ‘counsel’ anybody claiming or suspecting to have been abused.
For a) a person now in adulthood or b) a child whose
personality traits and characteristics are not yet fully describable it has to
be asked: just what particular “emotional or psychological injury or condition”
can be accurately characterized as having been
‘caused’ by the act for which the now-adult/then-child now seeks
damages? This is the mushy core of so much of Victimist civil-litigation theory.
Which, of course, they would very much like you to not-notice, hopefully because
you have been stampeded into outraged sympathy by a sufficiently ‘horrific’
story from that long-ago.
The good news in this Bill is that if you are
determined to be wrongly accused, you can recover attorney-fees from the
plaintiff ( Sec. 5(d)). But to get
there it’s not enough to have the jury in the lawsuit decide in your favor. You
then have to go to the court and
convince a judge that the accusation was made “with no basis in fact and with
malicious intent”.
The only unalloyed bit of good news is that none of
this will apply if you have already signed an agreement for damages under the
guidance of a competent attorney (Sec. 5(e)). Although perhaps even then you
might find an attorney willing to argue that your prior attorney was not
competent. In tough economic times, who knows?
So there you have it.
You can see where all of this is still going.
NOTES
*Another major bit of Lakoff’s: the Democrats
support a “nurturing” and participatory democratic approach to government,
whereas the Republicans represent a “strict father” approach that doesn’t
nurture or discuss but simply insists and demands.
But this is hooey and baloney. Advocacy-group and
Identity-group politics no longer look for any participatory democratic public
deliberation (after all, most of the Citizens still ‘just don’t get it’ so why
bother with them?). The ‘nurturing’ bit describes the best-case outcome of the agenda they demand to
have erected into laws; but there is to be no risky ‘democratic deliberation’
about how the law itself is to be
passed. You as a Citizen will simply
wake up one morning and discover that you are now required to obey a new
‘sensitive and nurturing’ law and the only ‘democratic deliberation’ allowed is
to figure out how best to make it work.
But
if you democratically disagree about the law itself, then that automatically
marks you as ‘insensitive’ and ‘non-nurturing’ – in which case you don’t
deserve a say in this ‘democracy’ in the first place anyway. Neat.
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