I continue looking at Roger Lancaster’s (RL) book.*
RL begins his eighth (and final) chapter, entitled
“The Victimology Trap”, with a quotation from Brit writer Margaret Atwood: “I
know you’ve been told that this is for your own safety and protection, but
think about it for a minute. Anyway, when did you get so scared? You didn’t
used to be so easily frightened.” (p.214) She wrote that in her “Letter to
America”.
Here RL is going to take a few bulls by the horns:
“What is the connection between the punitive turn, with its expressly
authoritarian politics, and the liberal political tradition with its emphasis
on individual rights?” (p.214) I would answer here that built into the
Beltway’s eager pandering to any demographic group that looked like it could promise
electoral success, were three anti-democratic dynamics.
First, the government will have to selectively exalt
that demographic and treat its agenda and demands with favoritism; and second,
the government will have to impose upon everybody else that demographic group’s
agenda and demands – including going-after that group’s Necessary Enemy; and
third, the government would have to involve itself actively in both reshaping
the most profoundly interior mentality of the Citizenry while also ‘pursuing’
the Necessary Enemy deep into every structure and sanctuary of the nation’s
culture and society.
And then – of course – you have to factor in the
cumulative reality: each demographic had its own Necessary Enemy so the
government was simultaneously pursuing numerous classes of such Enemies.
The government thus in effect declared war on substantial
chunks of its own citizenry, ostensibly merely on behalf of other, more
‘marginalized’ chunks of that citizenry, but once governments get the taste of
this type of blood – so to speak – they are not often returned to their former
non-feral and domesticated condition.
And, RL then asks: “How is the punitive state
related to capitalism, especially the privatized, deregulated variant that has
prevailed since the end of the 1970s and is known as neoliberalism?” (p.214)
Economically, the Beltway’s failure, starting 40
years ago, to keep American jobs here (lubricated by radical-feminism’s demand
for the deconstruction of the ‘macho, patriarchal, hierarchical, sweaty,
lunch-bucket culture of the Industrial Age) resulted in a general sense that
the ‘Male’ as he had been traditionally conceived was expendable and no longer
necessary to national success. Thus it became much easier to indulge in
demonization of Him.
The many hundreds of thousands of Registered SO’s
would also – even without a prison record – effectively be out of the job
market and perhaps off the voting rolls, thus clearing jobs for the newly
‘valorized’ Identity-groups (had the Adam Walsh Act scheme worked as fatuously
intended by the Beltway, the number of SO’s affected would have increased
substantially).
And – as with any large government Initiative –
numerous jobs at all levels of skill and pay would be created: whatever
government bureaucracy was created to keep the files on SOs and whatever law
enforcement agencies required more hires to pursue them and whatever government
resources were needed to spin the whole Thing to the public and sell it to the
State governments. While simultaneously, the government would make public tax
monies available to an increasing pandemonium of cottage-industries and
entrepreneurial efforts somehow connecting themselves to some aspect of this
whole Initiative.
Before the TSA was erected in the period immediately
after 9/11, a Sex-Offense demi-world of government hiring and funding had already been created, replicating
ominously the purpose and shape of the old East German Stasi organization, the domestic elements of the old Soviet KGB
(and its predecessors: the Cheka, the
OGPU, the NKVD), and the marquis monstrosity of the Third Reich’s Gestapo. But – and this was the work of
the slyly-constructed and presented Stampede – it all seemed to far too many
Americans such a good idea at the time.
The German people – so roundly ridiculed for it in
the later 1940s – made the same defense of what they had gone along-with in the
1930s.
It has to be admitted that Americans could no more
imagine their own democracy deliberately and formally starting down the
police-state path than the passengers and command staff of the Titanic could imagine that mystically marvelous
modern vessel destroying herself on her maiden voyage. It was precisely this
failure of imagination – which, actually, was enabled by a PR campaign that cheeribly
oversold the vessel’s strengths and slyly ignored the dangers of early Spring
crossings of the North Atlantic – that caused not only her passengers but her
command staff to minimize the very real dangers she (and all of them) faced.
And if this country will no longer have the
productive abundance to ensure her ‘economic independence’, and indeed may
experience significant civil unrest greater even than the period from the 1880s
to the 1930s, then the temptation for the government will be to set in place
and to ‘normalize’ – by whatever pretext necessary – mechanisms by which hefty
numbers of Citizens can be detained or tagged or imprisoned and/or ‘registered
and tracked’, all on the flimsiest of evidence and on an emotional appeal to
‘the emergency’. This, I would say,
is the still-unseen strategic consequence built-into the SO Mania Regime matrix
of laws.
He acknowledges that “the dominance of a vengeance
orientation today is linked not only to various forms of conservatism but also
to a genealogy of liberalism.” (p.214) And that point can never be made too
much – both sides of the political spectrum are involved in this. (Which is
why, I think, in a hotly contested political campaign and race nobody but
nobody – Democratic or Republican – talks about their Sex Offense ‘successes’
or the other sides Sex Offense ‘failures’: because there is plenty of evidence
that both sides were in this mess up to their ears from the get-go.
And now,
nobody wants to talk about it. What sort of ‘success’ has nobody who will
acknowledge having caused it? The kind of success – I would say – that we call
‘failure’.
He mentions author Wendy Brown, who in her 1995 book
States of Injury, speaks out against
“the politics of victimology she sees inherent in modern liberalism, especially
some of its feminist variations”. (And yet by 1995 Megan’s Law was already
before the New Jersey Supreme Court, which would issue its now-ludicrous
upholding in the Poritz decision.)
At this point neither ‘liberal’ nor ‘progressive’ would
care to claim responsibility for the SO Mania Regime; nor would the
law-and-order bunch. After all, in an election where each side is desperately
trying to demonstrate that they can come up with workable solutions that are both
intelligently conceived and effective practically, who wants to be tarred with
responsibility for the SO Mania Regime?** Is there any larger Picture into
which this dishonestly-justified and dishonestly continued and dishonestly
sustained Program can conceivably fit to make it seem worth the effort and the
damage it has cost?
It was built into liberalism’s embrace of victimism
from Day One: if you were going to ally yourself with Victims, and those
Victims demanded that you do whatever it takes to get the Perps who had
victimized them, then liberalism was going to have to adopt the techniques of
the police state, especially if you were going to try to give the impression
you could “outlaw injury” or even just ‘prevent’ it, everywhere and all the time.
As RL puts it: “Freedom, defined as protection,
comes to mean subjection”. (p.215) It’s going to be a hallmark failure of the
recent 25 or 30 years that far too few on any side of the Question, on any
point on the political spectrum, realized that soon enough to do something
about it. What did people expect, as “fear”
began to “colonize social spaces”. (p.214) [italics mine] We have been
‘colonized’ by fear in this country, in a way We never had been prior to the
victimist-radical feminist Ascendancy of the past several decades. And that
fear has driven Us to accept alarming amounts of government coercive intrusion,
under the guise of ‘protection’ and ‘prevention’.
He notes that liberalism has an innate tendency to
“justify government action narrowly as intervention on behalf of the weakest
and most vulnerable” – but that actually results in a liberal government that
“aims to correct the worst abuses, rather than address the logic of the system
as a whole”. (p.215) In other words, in trying to put out the fire they pour on
all the water from all the fire hoses they can bring to bear; and so they wind
up flooding the ship and rather than burning up with fire it fills up with
water from the fire hoses and sinks anyway. Such government. Such
problem-solving.
This tendency to over-react and under-think and under-visualize
on the part of the Beltway (now a bipartisan hash of leftists and rightists simply
looking for their side to ‘win’) has resulted in the feminist-victimist
‘special interests’ being allowed to write their own agendas and dampdreams into
law, and what that has led to is that
they have adopted the techniques, tactics, panoply and pandemonium of a classic
police state and made it all seem like A Good Idea and The Next New Thing.
Liberals, RL
says, have proven disturbingly susceptible to the political seductions of
“victimization narratives” and the concomitant “narrative of rescue” script. And
even though liberalism is theoretically as traditionally averse to emotion as
was its ancestor the Enlightenment, yet the not-always-subtle hysteria and
histrionics of victimization and its narratives still quietly flood the
foundations of American political liberalism. (p.215)
RL takes the bull by the horns and proposes outright
that “victimist statutes, with their mania for exacting detection and excessive
punishments, represent a disintegration or
involution of political norms, not
their extension”, resulting in the alarming reality that “liberal political
traditions, for all of their shortcomings, now
take abnormal and unhealthy forms”. (p.215) [italics mine]
And there were even more serpentine connections. RL
quotes author Marie Gottschalk, whose research indicates a curious twist in the
turn toward the punitive state: “As social services began to shrink in the
1980s due to the tax revolt, the recession, and the Reagan revolution, services
for crime victims … expanded”. (p.223)
It seems to me that, in connection with political pandering to the agendas of
the Victimist and Radical-Feminist advanced-level advocacies, the Beltway
embrace and valorization of Victimhood also enabled the pols to keep up re-distributional pay-outs to selected
Identity-groups, even as formal social-service funds were being cut: if you
could (and it wasn’t difficult) establish your official status as a ‘victim’,
then public monies would be made available to you either directly from the feds
or through State-administered programs.
Thus the Punitive state – quite happy engorging and
‘normalizing’ its authority against this and that Identity’s Necessary Enemy –
also serves as a hidden sub-support of the Welfare state. But what many don’t
realize is that with their victim checks and victim status comes also the
living specter of the police-state’s engorged coercive power. Which, further, once
established sufficiently to stand on its own authority – instead of borrowing
the authority of an ‘emergency’ or an ‘outrage’ – may well turn on anybody; as Clint Eastwood’s
ex-gunfighter Will Munny says to an aspiring apprentice: “We all got it comin’, kid”.
Once again, it is a failure of the American civic
imagination not to realize just what sort of a Vampire-power has now been
invited into the national hearth. (It is a painful irony that a civic
imagination far too easily able to conceive of Monster Stranger Sex Offenders
Everywhere, was yet too weak to conceive of the imminent though well-established
historical dangers of an engorged coercive authority and the clear procedural
adoption of police-state dynamics.)
I will conclude this mini-series on Rl’s book in my
next Post, with an overview of what he sees as the current condition of the
Punitive State and its future potentials and possibilities, in relation to the
SO Mania Regime.
NOTES
*Lancaster, Roger. Sex Panic and the Punitive State. Berkeley: U/Cal Press (2011).
ISBN: 978-0-520-26206-5 (pb). 246pp plus Appendices, Notes, and Index.
**I have noticed that even nowadays, as both
liberal-progressive and conservative commentators are uncovering more and more
evidence of government trampling on citizens’ rights with the cocky impunity of
a police-state, and where commentators are trying to trace the causes of this
alarming problem, yet nobody has traced the causes back to the SO Mania Regime
nor so much as mentioned the term ‘sex offense’ in reams of commentary on How
We Got Here.
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